Posted by: acbnews on: December 19, 2011
|
|||||||||||||||
BY LUVAHA C. LUVAGA,Snr weekly biztrader &eic acbnews
|
More Information |
||||||||||||||
| Contents Editorial: Demanding an End to World Hunger ACBNEWS Article: Protest, Sharing and Justice Featured Articles Featured Reports Campaigns Editorial
The events of 2011 may well go down in history as constituting the most significant turning point of modern times. Beginning with the Arab Spring, we have witnessed massive student rallies in Chile, a momentous protest movement in Israel, extensive mobilisations across Europe and the unprecedented ‘occupy’ camps that have sprung up in New York and around the world. The authorities may have done their best to prevent or forcibly suppress these unauthorised demonstrations, but scores of encampments remain across North America and Western Europe and continue to uphold a spirit of global collectiveness, non-violent resistance and direct democracy. Many commentators have marvelled at the sudden shift in political discourse that has resulted from this unleashing of popular protest. Under the banner of the 99%, national conversations have focussed to an unusual degree on the unequal distribution of wealth between the top 1% and all remaining citizens, as well as the unjust government policies that are causing austerity measures for the majority whilst CEOs and the wealthiest citizens continue to dodge taxes, reap record profits and rake in huge bonuses. The heady days of ‘turbo-capitalism’ are at an end: as world leaders scramble to preserve the crumbling economic architecture, even many traditional economists now agree that a system based on endless growth and consumption is facing a terminal crisis. The pressing global issues are perhaps clearer to the world’s people than they have ever been before. Public anger is unanimously directed at the financial and corporate elites who are largely responsible for causing the global economic turmoil; high-profile debates focus on the limitations of pursuing Gross Domestic Product in relation to human well-being and sustainability; and awareness of looming planetary boundaries is increasingly reflected in discussions surrounding climate change, biodiversity loss, peak oil production and other resource constraints. Countless people around the world are searching for a new vision of social progress that is no longer based on the empty creed of individualism, competition and blind material abundance. Central to all these concerns is the rising call for economic sharing and global justice. As STWR’s founder Mohammed Mesbahi reasons in an article titled A Dialogue on Protest, Sharing and Justice, it is time for the awakening voice of world public opinion to focus on the issue of life-threatening deprivation as one of its foremost concerns. This will require a massive outpouring of public support in favour of an international emergency redistribution programme, initiated under the aegis of the United Nations, to prevent needless deaths arising from poverty-related causes in all countries. Such a strategy may appear impractical or unrealistic in the context of a worsening economic crisis, but Mesbahi states that the power of peaceful mass protest recently demonstrated in the Middle East reveals the untapped potential of public opinion to influence government choices. Now that it is obvious that our social, economic and political systems need to be dramatically restructured, he argues that a major responsibility of governments is to redesign these systems specifically so that no-one dies of hunger. The inspiring ‘occupy’ camps are loudly calling for wealth, resources and power to be shared more equally both within and between countries. Shortly in the New Year, STWR will publish a report detailing how there is more than enough money available for governments to immediately reduce poverty, provide essential public services and fund urgent climate change adaption and mitigation programs. These basic demands for national and global forms of redistribution will only begin to effect real change when they are backed up by the force of a united world public opinion – which is now a definite possibility as we approach 2012.
Standard Bank still supports Zambian copperbeltKonkola Copper Mines (KCM), a mining and metals company in Zambia, has received a US$500m bridge finance facility from Standard Bank that will be used to refinance shareholder loans from Vedanta Resources. The bank has also been mandated to arrange and underwrite a US$700m term loan facility to fund investment that will turn the Zambian copper miner into one of the world’s leading copper producers, and provide further impetus for growth in the Zambian economy.
|
INSURANCE COMPANY OF EAST AFRICA LIMITED (ICEA) AND LION OF KENYA MERGE INTO ICEALION |
|
INSURANCE COMPANY OF EAST AFRICA LIMITED (ICEA) AND LION OF KENYA INSURANCE COMPANY LIMITED MERGE INTO ICEA LION GROUPNairobi, 8th December 2011… Two well known leading insurance companies – Insurance Company of East Africa Limited (ICEA) and Lion of Kenya Insurance Company Limited are pleased to announce their merger effective 1stJanuary, 2012.The new name of the combined business is ICEA LION Group. The two companies are among the market leaders in insurance and financial services in Kenya and the wider East Africa region. The merger has resulted in the creation of one of the largest insurance groups in the region, with insurance operations in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania as well as leading subsidiaries in fund management and corporate trusteeship.A key element of this consolidation has been the establishment of separate life and non-life insurance companies. ICEA LION Life Assurance Company will be a dedicated life assurer while ICEA LION General Insurance Company will be a general insurance company, both operating as subsidiaries of ICEA LION Group.This separation will enable the two AA rated companies to have complete focus on their core business, for enhanced customer service, specialization, internal efficiency and competitiveness. The specialisation is consistent with the Government’s declared intention to encourage movement in this direction.The insurance subsidiaries in Uganda and Tanzania, previously controlled separately by ICEA and Lion of Kenya respectively, will also form part of the ICEA LION Group, as will ICEA’s asset management subsidiaries in Kenya and Uganda.
All clients, intermediaries and business partners are assured that the ICEA LION Group is committed to continue building on the proud history, culture of innovation and excellence established over the years by ICEA and Lion of Kenya. Lion economies of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania will grow fastest in the worldRating
Consumer goods manufacturing is big in the region and caters for all economic classes. Picture: File By Dimitri Stoelinga and Sachin Gathani (email the author)
Posted Sunday, December 18 2011 at 00:00 According to a new and innovative approach to estimating the future growth potential of countries — designed by professors at Harvard and Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) — East Africa could become the fastest growing region in the world between now and 2020. Uganda, at an estimated average annual gross domestic product growth rate of 6.41 per cent would have the highest growth potential in the world, followed closely by Kenya at 6.1 per cent, and Tanzania at 6.07 per cent. Other economies in the broader East African region also top the list: Madagascar is 5th at 5.85 per cent, Malawi 7th at 5.6 per cent, Zambia 10th at 5.25 per cent, Ethiopia 23rd at 4.52 per cent, and Mozambique 31st at 4.26 per cent. Rwanda unfortunately was not included in this study, due to the reliability of available data, but is already amongst the world’s 10 fastest growing economies since the early 2000s. Note that on a GDP per capita basis, China and India are still projected to be the fastest growing economies in the world; East Africa though tops the list in terms of GDP growth. Why is this the case? The reason East African economies could have such a high growth potential is because the current “complexity” of their economies is higher than what would be expected given their current level of income. The way complexity is measured is not easy to grasp, but it is essentially a function of how diverse and unique the capabilities of a country are. In other words, the more diverse a country’s capabilities (measured by the number of different products that it exports with a comparative advantage) and the more unique (ie measured by the number of different countries that export similar products with a comparative advantage), the higher a country’s complexity. As professors Hidalgo and Hausmann argue in their recent publication, “The Atlas of Economic Complexity: Mapping Paths to Prosperity,” countries tend to move to income levels that are compatible with the complexity of their economies. They also show that the difference between a country’s complexity and its expected complexity given its GDP per capita is predictive of future economic growth. According to the authors, this method has a 10 times greater predictive power than leading alternative indexes, such as the World Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Index. Surprising? Not really. For us living in the region, the idea that the complexity of East African economies is greater than expected could come as somewhat of a surprise, given perennial structural problems, in particular: (i) weak manufacturing sectors, which in a country like Kenya only accounts for about 11per cent of GDP; and (ii) large trade deficits. Yet when you take a minute and think about it, East African economies do produce a whole range of products: processed food products (brands that come to mind are Azam, Brown’s, Brookside, Pembe, Inyange, Madhvani Group, Masaka Farms, Mukwano Industries etc), beverages (EA Breweries, Bralirwa, Nile Breweries, Del Monte, Inyange, etc), consumer goods (Azam/Bakhresa Group, Bidco, Chemi&Cotex, Mukwano, Sulfo industries), batteries (Eveready East Africa), plastics (KenPoly, RotoMoulders), paper (PanAfrican Paper Mills, Kenya Paper Mills, Supa Paper Works, etc), cement (Bamburi Cement, East African Portland Cement Company), tobacco (British American Tobacco, etc), paints (DuraCoat, Robillac Paints), cables (EA Cables), steel (Uganda Baati, Devki Steel, Mabati Rolling Mills, etc) … and the list goes on. This diversity in the region’s production capabilities is what drives the complexity that Hausmann and Hidalgo capture in their index. Political uncertainty Moreover, Hidalgo and Hausmann’s growth predictions are not surprising in that they are very much in line with current trends. It is impossible to ascertain how precise these estimates of the region’s growth potential are; but early indications show that they might not be too far off. These are the average growth rates of countries in Eastern Africa between 2005-2010 according to World Bank estimates: Ethiopia (10.64 per cent), Rwanda (7.8 per cent), Uganda (7.8 per cent), Tanzania (6.95 per cent), Kenya (4.8 per cent), and Burundi (3.6 per cent). What are the main risks to the region’s growth? According to our internal research at Laterite Ltd, the biggest domestic threat to this great growth potential in the region remains political uncertainty. We substantiate this claim based on an analysis of Kenya’s 2007 election crisis, which we show has cost the country at least 3.5per cent of GDP and an estimated $4 billion to date (or about $100 per Kenyan). If current World Bank/International Monetary Funds predictions of future growth in Kenya hold, we expect Kenya to only have recovered the lost ground due to the 2007 election in 2013 — in other words, only in 2013 will Kenya’s economy be back on track as if the election violence had never occurred. That is a full five years after the fact — basically, an entire election cycle. This means that the current administration’s main achievement, economically speaking, will have been to reverse the effects of the election that brought it into power in the first place. But how did we come up with these estimates? To estimate the cost of Kenya’s 2007 election, it is necessary to estimate what would have happened in Kenya had the election not occurred. We have developed a methodology called Proximity Controls which enables us to do just that. The idea is very simple: we find that countries with similar capabilities to a country of interest (in this case Kenya) are very good predictors of economic growth in that country over a long period of time. Additionally, we show that it is possible to create a linear combination of such countries that almost perfectly predicts economic growth in the country of interest. To summarise, Hausmann and Hidalgo’s research reveals that — just like China and Taiwan 25 years ago — East Africa’s productive structure has the potential to quickly diversify and increasingly move towards more sophisticated products, thereby stimulating growth. Also, just like China and Taiwan, East African countries are not really “poor” from a capabilities perspective. 25 years ago China and Taiwan already had the capabilities to develop the diverse range of products that they produce today; it is in large part these same capabilities that have led them to their current income levels. It’s just that 25 years ago, “the cheque was in the mail.” East African countries have a similar potential today, but as we have shown using Kenya’s 2007 election crisis, political uncertainty could still spoil the party and mean the cheque is never really cashed. As can be seen in the graph, using this approach we can perfectly predict Kenya’s economic performance during the 2002-2007 period. However, our predictions and Kenya’s actual performance diverge dramatically in 2007-2008, indicating that something major happened during that period that threw economic growth in Kenya off track. This event was the December 2007 election. |